Vaenu õhutamine nii avalikus ruumis kui ka sotsiaalmeedias on karistatav. Riigid on oma karistuseseadustikes selle ühel või teisel viisil ka sätestanud. Ukraina sõja valguses kerkis päevakorda küsimus teatud sümbolite kasutamise kriminaliseerimisest. Saksamaal otsustasid nt Baieri ja Alam-Saksi liidumaa keelata Z-tähe kui sümboli avaliku kasutamise massiüritustel. Seejuures toetusid nad Saksa karistusseadustikule (StGB, § 140 p 2) ja rahvusvahelise karistusseadustikule (VStGB, § 13).

Pakume teemakohaseks lugemiseks valiku raamatuid, uuringuid ja artikleid erinevate riikide praktikast.

RAAMATUD ja UURINGUD
A more inclusive and protective Europe: extending the list of EU crimes to hate speech and hate crime (2021)

Alkiviadou, Natalie ; Mchangama, Jacob ; Mendiratta, Raghav. Global handbook on hate speech laws (2020)

Disinformation and propaganda: impact on the functioning of the rule of law and democratic processes in the EU and its Member States (2021)

Trips-Hebert, Roman. Das strafbare Verwenden von Kennzeichen verfassungswidriger und terroristischer Organisationen : § 86a StGB im Spiegel der Rechtsprechung (November, 2021)

Kennzeichen und Symbole der Rechtsextremisten (Landesamt für Verfassungsschutz Hessen, 2020)

Pitruzzella, Giovanni ; Pollicino, Oreste. Disinformation and hate speech : a European constitutional perspective. – Milano : EGEA S.p.A. – Bocconi University Press, 2020. – VI, 167 lk.

Ziccardi, Giovanni. Online political hate speech in Europe : the rise of new extremisms. – Northampton : Edward Elgar Publishing, 2020. – 236 lk.

Koposov, Nikolai. Memory laws, memory wars : the politics of the past in Europe and Russia. – Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 2018. – XVI, 321 lk.

Responding to ‘hate speech’: comparative overview of six EU countries (2018)
This publication presents the comparative overview of the legal framework and practices related to ‘hate speech’ in six Member States of the European Union (EU): Austria, Germany, Hungary, Italy, Poland and the United Kingdom.

Chalmers, James ; Leverick, Fiona. A comparative analysis of hate crime legislation : a report to the hate crime legislation review (2017)

Resisting foreign state propaganda in the new information environment : the case of the EU, Russia, and the Eastern partnership countries / Foundation for European Progressive Studies, Brīvības un Solidaritātes Fonds, [2016]. – 293 lk.

Hate crime laws : a practical guide (OSCE, 2009)

Vaata ka:
Rammo, Triin. Eesti vaenu õhutamise regulatsiooni vastavus rahvusvahelistele ja Euroopa nõuetele ja soovitustele : magistritöö / Tartu Ülikool, [sotsiaalteaduste valdkond], õigusteaduskond, avaliku õiguse osakond ; juhendaja: Merilin Kiviorg. – Tartu : Tartu Ülikool, 2021. – 84 lk. (TÄISTEKST)

Mõistlik, Eva-Liisa. Vaenu õhutamine läbi holokausti eitamise Eesti karistusseadustikus ja selle vastavus Euroopa ja rahvusvaheliste standarditega : magistritöö / Tallinna Tehnikaülikool, majandusteaduskond, õiguse instituut ; juhendaja: Kristi Joamets. – Tallinn : Tallinna Tehnikaülikool, 2020. – 74 lk.

Metlev, Sergei. Vaenu õhutamise karistusõiguslik regulatsioon Eestis : magistritöö / Tartu Ülikool, õigusteaduskond, karistusõiguse osakond ; juhendaja Jüri Saar. – Tallinn : Tartu Ülikool, 2018. – 84 lk. (TÄISTEKST)

Vakrõõm, Tais. Piiriülese audiovisuaalmeedia taasedastamise piiramise õiguspärased võimalused : magistritöö / Tartu Ülikool, õigusteaduskond, avaliku õiguse osakond ; juhendajad: Madis Ernits, Varro Vooglaid. – Tallinn : Tartu Ülikool, 2017. – 87 lk. (TÄISTEKST)

ARTIKLID
Artiklite täistekstide lugemiseks tuleb rahvusraamatukogu otsinguportaali sisse logida.

Bode, Lorenz. Strafbares Verwenden des sogenannten Z-Symbols in Deutschland // Ukraine-Krieg und Recht (2022) Nr. 8, S. 328-331.
Der russische Überfall auf die Ukraine stößt nicht überall auf Ablehnung. Gerade im Internet lassen Kriegsbefürworterinnen und -befürworter ihren Beifallsbekundungen freien Lauf. Dazu gehört es auch, dass das sogenannte Z-Symbol, eigentlich eine Truppenkennzeichnung der russischen Armee, als Solidaritätsbekenntnis „za pobedu“ („Für den Sieg“) und als Zeichen für die Unterstützung des russischen Angriffskrieges verwendet wird. Das kann strafbar sein, wie nachfolgend gezeigt werden soll.

Beach, Stephanie J. Hashtag hate: the need for regulating malignant rhetoric online // Vermont Law Review. Vol. 44 (2019), issue 1, p. 129-164.
[—] This article will address the conundrum of the rising plight of hate speech on social media platforms and propose a framework for combatting the upsurge of bias online. Part I will delve into the history of the law governing hate speech as crafted by United States Supreme Court jurisprudence.” Part II will explore the expansion of hate speech online.” Part III explains the need for change and sets forth an agenda for legal and regulatory reform. Finally, this article concludes by briefly summarizing this paradox.’ [—]

Bormann, Axel. Dealing with digital social networks: the German “Netzwerkdurchsetzungsgesetz” (Network Enforcement Act) – a challenging balance between combating hate crimes and protecting the freedom of expression // Bulletin of the Transilvania University of Brasov. Series VII: Social Sciences. Law. Vol. 11 (2018) Supplement, p. 25-30.
The regulation of digital social networks with regard to the dissemination of the so called “hate crimes” has become a current issue within the German public and the legal community. With the “Network Enforcement Law”, the German Parliament has passed an “experimental” law, which proved to be rather efficient in practise but also invited some criticism from human rights groups and is currently under review by the European Commission.

Pasat, Aurel Octavian. The „propaganda” concept in the contemporary doctrine and the criminal law of Romania and the Republic of Moldova // Perspectives of Law and Public Administration. Vol. 7 (2018), issue 2, p. 214-226.
This scientific article aims at the interdisciplinary research of the concept of propaganda through the perspective of sociological, political and legal sciences, as well as the substantiation of a relevant study in the field of criminal liability for criminal acts that are committed in the form of propaganda- [—] The author carried out the investigation of comparative criminal and extrapenal norms (Romania, Republic of Moldova), identified some gaps in the legal technique, and demonstrated the need to revise some legislative concepts that will ultimately contribute to the reconceptualization of the criminal law in force crimes involving elements of propaganda.

Shammas, Victor L. Who’s afraid of penal populism? Technocracy and ‘the people’ in the sociology of punishment // Contemporary Justice Review : CJR. Vol. 19 (2016), issue 3, p. 325-346.
Contemporary sociologists of punishment have criticized the rising incidence of incarceration and punitiveness across the Western world in recent decades. The concepts of populist punitiveness and penal populism have played a central role in their critiques of the burgeoning penal state. These concepts are frequently sustained by a doctrine of penal elitism, which delegates a limited right to politicians and ‘the people’ to shape institutions of punishment, favoring in their place the dominance of bureaucratic and professional elites. [—]

Fijalkowski, Agata. The criminalisation of symbols of the past: expression, law and memory  // International Journal of Law in Context. Vol. 10 (2014), issue 3, p. 295-314.
This paper examines the criminalisation of symbols of the past. It considers the 2011 judgment of the Polish Constitutional Tribunal. In this compact and well-ordered decision, the Tribunal, with reference to key European examples, assessed critically the constitutionality of criminal law provisions that prohibit the dissemination and public use of symbols of the past pertaining to fascist, [—] The paper discusses the two case-studies most relevant to Poland, namely those in Germany and Hungary. Reference is also made to the Baltic States, which, together with Poland, have made a concerted effort to bring the notion of totalitarian crimes and histories to the attention of Europe. [—]

Domahidi, Ákos. Politische Symbole und Meinungsäußerungsfreiheit – Der Weg des roten Sterns als politisches Symbol im gesamteuropäischen Grundrechtschutz // EuropaRecht (2009) Nr. 3, S. 410-423.
Die ab 1993 geltende Fassung des ungarischen Strafgesetzbuchs (UStGB) bestimmt in § 269/B, dass jeder, der ein Hakenkreuz, ein SS-Abzeichen, ein Pfeilkreuz, Hammer und Sichel oder einen fünfzackigen roten Stern verbreitet oder öffentlich zur Schau stellt, sich strafbar macht. Mit seinem Urteil vom 8. Juli 2008 erklärte der EGMR diese ungarische Regelung, welche die Verbreitung und Zurschaustellung des roten Sterns strafrechtlich verfolgt, mit Art. 10 EMRK für unvereinbar. Dieses Gericht ist jedoch nicht das erste, das die Vereinbarkeit des Verbots des roten Sterns mit der Meinungsäußerungsfreiheit überprüft. [—] Der nachstehende Beitrag wird die drei Entscheidungen ausführlich besprechen und versucht insbesondere zu beantworten, warum die strafrechtliche Verfolgung trotz der Zurückhaltung des EuGH gemeinschaftsrelevante Elemente aufweisen könnte und wie die unterschiedlichen Ergebnisse des UVerfGerichts und des EGMR zu erklären sind. Dazu soll die Rolle der politischen Symbole als Meinungsäußerung und deren Grenzen im gesamteuropäischen Grundrechtschutz dargestellt werden.

Timmermann, Wibke Kristin. Incitement in international criminal law // International Review of the Red Cross Vol. 88 (2006), Number 865, p. 823-852.
The author critically analyses in this article the status of incitement in International criminal law. After a discussion of the relevant judgments by the Nuremberg Tribunal and related courts, including German de-Nazification courts, the travaux pre´paratoires of the Genocide Convention and the case-law of the International Criminal Tribunals, the international approach is criticized, particularly its practice of regarding only direct and public incitement to genocide as inchoate, whilst instigation generally is treated as not inchoate. The author recommends the adoption of an approach modelled on German and Swiss domestic law and argues that instigation per se should also be regarded as an inchoate crime.

Loe ka:
Julia Laffranque: sümboli jõud ja nõrkus (err uudised, 30.03.2022)

Õigusteadlased: sümboolika kriminaliseerimine – emotsionaalne otsus? (err uudised, 30.03.2022)

Aiaots, Laura ; Soo, Anneli. Kriminaliseerimise põhimõtted vaenukõne kriminaliseerimise näitel // Juridica (2022) nr. 1, lk. 3-30.

Aiaots, Laura. Õigusvastasusseose tähendus karistusõigusliku etteheite tegemisel // Juridica (2021) nr. 3, lk. 180-192.